图片来源：德鲁·安杰勒/盖蒂图片社

声音与意见

POV：警察军事化有可能将美国城市变成战场

新的法规需要通过界定军队国内权力的范围来重申我们的建国原则

During President Trump’s 现在臭名昭著的步行到圣约翰教堂拍照 earlier this month, he was escorted by the Secretary of Defense and a four-star general in battle fatigues. 国民警卫队和没有标记的新濠影汇赌场特工使用催泪瓦斯、闪光弹和橡皮子弹来清除总统前面的道路，否则抗议者是和平的。 美国国防部长马克·埃斯珀（Mark Esper）最近呼吁政府行为者“主导战场”，就在白宫附近的拉斐特广场（Lafayette Square）上演。 其中传达的信息似乎很明确：美国军队的全部力量都支持特朗普总统的专制盛典。

 Earlier that day, 特朗普总统要求 that the nation’s governors stop being “weak” and “dominate” their own situations. 他威胁要通过部署“数千名”“全副武装”的士兵来控制各州。 Far from an idle threat, 6月1日，五角大楼紧急派遣了数百名士兵 to bases near D.C., including the 82nd Airborne Division’s Immediate Response Force, which was most recently sent to the Middle East because of Iranian threats. 据报道，这些部队准备在华盛顿的街道上部署，并配备了步枪和刺刀。  

虽然一些执法人员已经缓和了原本危险的局势，但这是例外。 Many 各个城市和州都派出了特警队 that look like soldiers, supplemented by the 国民警卫队 troops. 在华盛顿特区，通常在战区看到的黑鹰和拉科塔直升机被用来威胁抗议者。

过去几周发生的事情呈现出我多年来一直担心的噩梦场景。 After 9/11, I wrote a 冗长的文章 on the dangers both of the military acting as law enforcement officers and of civilian police becoming more militarized, imagining a modern-day 波士顿惨案, with people of color, rather than colonists, calling for an uprising. 令人遗憾的是，自从乔治·弗洛伊德（George Floyd）被谋杀以来，抗议运动在美国各地动员起来，新濠影汇赌场、州和地方政府也动员起来作出反应，我所设想的虚构事件现在与我们的现实惊人地接近。 纵观我们国家的历史，公民和立法者都对在国内领土上进行军事反应的危险提出了警告。 John Adams argued that British soldiers enforcing civil laws caused the 波士顿惨案, 称士兵为“可怜的和平维护者”。 Jefferson’s 独立宣言 says keeping a standing army in a civilian population was proof of King George’s tyranny.

In 1878, in an effort to prevent the militarization of law enforcement, Congress passed the 集体委员会法 (PCA), which states that anyone who uses Army personnel to execute civil laws can be charged with a crime; 1956年进行了修订，将空军纳入其中。 

PCA反映了基于一个重要原则的强大的美国传统：军队和警察是不可互换的。 While soldiers attack and defeat an enemy with overwhelming force, the police are expected to protect the community—including suspects—with a 力的连续体 and safeguard everyone’s constitutional rights. Further, police officers have a duty to 使用最小的力量, and only when justified. The 警察的权力 was reserved to states and localities because if an officer abuses their authority, a mayor or governor would be more responsive to complaints than a distant federal government. 

States can also use the 国民警卫队 to supplement law enforcement during times of crisis. 虽然不理想，但警卫队由兼职士兵组成，他们经常与执法部门一起训练，通常只是扮演辅助角色。

President Trump’s recent use of the 国民警卫队 was extraordinary, and now he threatens to use the 1807年的起义法案, allowing him to send active duty troops to states without permission from the governors. In 1807, concerns about a rogue militia led Congress to enact the Insurrection Act, and during the 1950s and ’60s the act was used against Southern governors who believed they could disregard civil rights laws behind their 国民警卫队smen.   

现役部队会把对拉斐特广场手无寸铁的抗议者的攻击提升到一个危险的新高度，而《叛乱法》现在就像一把剑一样悬在州长和社区之上。 当我们对军队的信任和尊重消失了会发生什么？ 在军队不再是我们国家的保卫者，而是占领军之前，平民还能吸入多少催泪瓦斯？ 

国会监督听证会是不够的； 常设仲裁法院必须加强或取代。 正如我在2003年提出的那样，应该制定一部新的新濠影汇赌场法规，通过界定军队在国内的权力范围，恢复军队和执法部门之间的明确区分，重申我们的基本原则。 美国人有民事执法的权利，这种权利可以在法庭上强制执行，以驳回因军事介入或不当的警察策略而引起的起诉，并作为针对政府的民事诉讼的基础。 亚历山大·汉密尔顿警告说 在面对持续的危险时破坏公民权利和政治权利的国家：“为了更安全，他们最终愿意冒更不自由的风险。”

God help us if President Trump, egged on by his 国会的支持者 and 有线电视, begins using the military to do his bidding on domestic soil. 他的支持者可能会为了安全而轻易放弃自由； but like 凯撒渡过卢比孔河, it will be a massive step toward destroying another great republic.